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Abbreviated pundit roundup: Republican obstruction, the Supreme Court and more

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We begin today’s roundup with Paul Krugman’s analysis of the political landscape:

Elections are supposed to have consequences, conveying power to the winners. But when Democrats win an election, the modern G.O.P. does its best to negate the results, flouting norms and, if necessary, the law to carry on as if the voters hadn’t spoken.  [...]

What can Democrats do about this situation? They need to win elections, but all too often that won’t be sufficient, because they confront a Republican Party that at a basic level doesn’t accept their right to govern, never mind what the voters say. So winning isn’t enough; they also have to be prepared for that confrontation.

And surely the first step is recognizing the problem exists.

At Rolling Stone, Bob Moser profiles Senator Mitch McConnell and his unprecedented obstruction:

For almost four decades, McConnell has been ruthlessly mowing down his opponents with big-money negative campaigns and transforming the GOP into the state’s dominant party. And while many Kentuckians once took pride in having such a mighty mover-and-shaker in Washington, they’ve become increasingly appalled by what he’s done with his power: ensuring that big donors have undue influence in elections, turning Congress into a strictly partisan battlefield, and serving as the indispensable wingman for Trump.

More maneuvering from the GOP to ensure no challenges to Trump:

Michigan Republicans realized they couldn't outright cancel their presidential primaries as four other states have done, so they instead changed the rules basically ensuring President Donald Trump receives all delegates.

Republican Party officials in Michigan altered the state's primary election and party delegate apportionment rules requiring candidates to receive at least 20 percent of the primary vote in order to receive any delegates at all. This marks a 5 percent uptick from the previous 15 percent candidate minimum and also indicates that any candidate who received 50 percent or more of the primary vote will receive every single one of Michigan's delegates, MLive.com first reported. This means Trump's long-shot GOP opponents -- former South Carolina congressman Mark Sanford, former Massachusetts Governor Bill Weld and former Illinois Rep. Joe Walsh -- are entering an even more all-or-nothing race in one of the country's key election states.

Michigan Republican Party spokesperson Tony Zammit declined to share a full document or list laying out all of the GOP's changes with MLive, but Zammit noted it's "not unusual" to change delegate rules every election cycle.

Eugene Robinson says the next president will have the tough job of fixing the fallout from Trump’s policies:

I want to hear the Democratic presidential candidates explain, convincingly, how they’re going to beat Donald Trump. Then I want to hear how they propose to repair the devastating damage Trump has done to all three branches of government — and to our trust in our institutions.

First, Trump has to be sent packing. I shudder to think of what four more years of this chaos and decay would do to the nation. Trump is so unpopular, and has so neglected making any attempt to broaden his base, that the agenda of the eventual Democratic nominee is clear: motivate loyal Democratic constituencies to turn out in large numbers; win back at least some of the Rust Belt voters who chose Barack Obama in 2008 and Trump in 2016; and invite independents and anti-Trump Republicans along for the ride.

None of these tasks is mutually exclusive, and none involves rocket science. With just a couple of exceptions, I can see any of the Democrats onstage last Thursday getting the job done. But then would come the hard part.

Jamelle Bouie calls for adding seats to the Supreme Court:

Trump’s Supreme Court appointments are mired in controversy. Justice Neil Gorsuch occupies a stolen seat, held open under President Obama by a blockade conducted for nearly a year by McConnell, who cited a previously nonexistent “tradition” of tabling nominations made in an election year. (In the 20th century alone, the Senate confirmed Supreme Court nominees in five different presidential election years — 1912, 1916, 1932, 1940 and 1988). And of course Justice Brett Kavanaugh was confirmed last September under clouds of suspicion that stemmed from accusations of sexual assault and sexual misconduct to a bevy of ethics complaints. [...]

So what should Democrats do? They should play hardball back. Congress, according to the Judiciary Act of 1789, decides the number of judges. It’s been 150 years since it changed the size of the Supreme Court. I think it’s time to revisit the issue. Should Democrats win that trifecta, they should expand and yes, pack, the Supreme Court. Add two additional seats to account for the extraordinary circumstances surrounding the Gorsuch and Kavanaugh nominations. Likewise, expand and pack the entire federal judiciary to neutralize Trump and McConnell’s attempt to cement Republican ideological preferences into the constitutional order.

On a final note, at CNN, Kevin Liptak explains why Trump is so bothered by the Obama’s foray into television and media:

For all of President Donald Trump's gripes with his predecessor, this could prove the most galling: his entry into television. After all, it's that the world Trump has occupied for the better part of four decades. It's there he gained his celebrity, molded his reputation and earned enough of a following to make a presidential bid possible.

Now, the man who has consumed Trump's attention for much of his tenure is invading his turf. Former President Barack Obama, along with wife Michelle, are producing partners with Netflix. Their first feature, a documentary about a Chinese-owned factory in Ohio, was announced last month. The news apparently hasn't pleased Trump. In a set of tweets on Monday, the President urged congressional investigators to "Look at the Obama Book Deal, or the ridiculous Netflix deal" instead of looking at whether he committed obstruction of justice during Robert Mueller's probe. Later, Trump simplified things: "Obama Netflix?" he wrote, after insisting without evidence he was due to lose billions of dollars as president.

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